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At this year’s TUC Black Workers’ Conference, General Secretary Brendan Barber launched
the TUC Stephen Lawrence fund raising appeal. The TUC have consistently
supported the Lawrence families campaign and Stephens legacy through the fight to tackle
institutional racism in the workplace, and in wider society.
A vital
part of that legacy is the work of the Stephen Lawrence Charitable Trust which was
set up to be a lasting legacy for Stephen who had dreams of becoming an
architect. Through the work of The Stephen Lawrence Centre the Trust supports young
people from disadvantaged backgrounds enter the professional world by offering
mentoring and bursaries. The centre also runs employment and education
programmers and is soon to provide space for young entrepreneurs trying to set
up new businesses.
The work of the Trust is threatened by the lack of funds
for voluntary organisations that has resulted from public spending cuts and the
recession. Now more than
ever, the Stephen Lawrence Trust that does support young people and to combat
social injustice, by promoting equality of opportunity must not be allowed to
fail for lack of funding.
The TUC is encouraging its affiliate, union branches and trade union members to support the appeal. Donations can be made through the
TUC website https://www.justgiving.com/TUCslct or
Text TUCS99 followed
by the £ symbol, then the amount to 70070.
Bizarrely, the
Conservative/Liberal Coalition believe that doing away with regulation will
result in more employment opportunities for ordinary people, or that’s what
they say. This was the driving force behind the Red tape challenge which was
designed to draw people into the process of deciding which rules and
regulations should be scrapped.
However the reality is that the
government are not committed to t doing away with all regulation, but just
those rules protect workers. They are of course happy to introduce regulations
that advantage employers. As David Cameron stated in his introduction to the
Red tape challenge “these regulations
cost businesses time and money”.
What such initiatives as the Red
Tape challenge expose is the ideological basis on which this Government is
operating. The belief that the market can solve all problems and that rules to
make employers behave decently are unnecessary because, as pro free market
theorists espouse, treating workers badly is not a rational way to build a successful
business. They also believe that workers do not need to be protected from
employers and if they do suffer injustice at work then it is their
responsibility as individuals to solve the problem. Of course there is no
recognition that some employers can be exploitative, discriminatory and just
plan nasty. It is therefore no surprise that the system that gives workers
access to seek legal redress is now under assault.
Employment Tribunals and
Employment Appeals Tribunals were originally established as a semi formal
system where workers could get access to justice easily and quickly without
having to resort to the expensive route of civil litigation through the
magistrates and high courts. Unfortunately over the last thirty years, driven
by market philosophies, successive Governments made the system increasingly
formal and more difficult to access in a drive to save money and keep employers
happy. With the extension of the free market into all areas of our lives
justice increasingly has a price tag.
Under the guise of austerity the
latest assault on workers ability to seek justice through the tribunal system
has come in the form of proposals from the Government to introduce fees in
order to access industrial tribunals. The Government has come up with two charging
options.
In option
one; a claimant will pay an initial fee of £150-£250 to begin a claim, with an
additional fee of £250-£1,250 if the claim goes to a hearing, with no limit to
the maximum award. The second option requires claimants to pay a single fee of
£200-£600, with the maximum award limited to £30,000. Claimants seeking a
higher award will pay an additional fee of £1,750, paying up to £2,350 in total.
In proposing
these changes the government is relying on contradictory arguments that are not
backed up by evidence. Jonathan Djanogly MP – the Parliamentary Under Secretary
for Justice opened his justification for these proposals in the governments
consultation document by arguing that they are confronting the structural
barriers that impede competitiveness, employer confidence and hinder the
creation of jobs. He went on to identify cost and employer attitudes as major
influences for proposing these reforms.
In putting
forward arguments about cost the government has conveniently forgotten that the
role of Industrial tribunals was expanded from their original remit of dealing
with training levy disputes to other areas of worker/employer dispute as a way
to provide an alternative route for workers to deal with grievances at work.
With civil litigation being too costly for ordinary workers the only
alternative was industrial action and with the number of working days lost
through strikes reaching an all time high of 12.9 million in the 1970’s it was
seen as prudent to provide a less costly way of settling employer/worker
disputes.
What is
worse is the government’s reliance on the nonsensical views of employers, many
of which have no basis in the reality of what takes place in the Employment
Tribunal system. The government has accepted the employer’s favorite argument
that Employment Tribunals are hostile to them and likely to find in favour of workers complaints without
challenge. In reality in 2010/11 only 8% of unfair dismissal cases were
successful and when it comes to equality the likelihood of success is even more
marginal with the number of successful cases dropping from 7% in 2009/10 to 3%
in 2010/11. Alongside this employer assertions that workers submit tribunal
claims in claims to at the drop of a hat are treated seriously but, according
to the Governments’ own figures only 218,100 claims were registered in 2010/11
which is less that 0.8% of workers given that the UK workforce numbers 29
millions.
For Black
workers, these proposals will further undermine their chances of obtaining
justice through the Employment Tribunal system. Firstly, because in the
proposals for option 1 the government is arguing that equality cases should
attract a higher fee because they take more time and are therefore more
expensive. This in effect will have a directly disproportionate effect on black
workers and other minority groups as claiming discrimination will be more
expensive. Secondly, because option 2 proposes the introduction of a £30,000 threshold and cap for
compensation and a proposal that Employment Tribunals are prevented from making
an award of £30,000 or more if the claimant does not pay the higher level fee.
In practice this will this be the equivalent of a cap for compensation in
higher value discrimination cases.
The government is seeking to
present this as a fair system by using the cover of proposals for a remission system. Applicants would be entitled to claim back some or all of the
fees depending on their level of household income. However in proposing a
remission system the government have fail to take into account that the time
limits for filing claims with an Employment Tribunal are shorter than for many
other legal proceedings and that it will be difficult to operate the complex
fees and remission scheme in time. There would therefore be significant risks
that claimants will be unjustifiably barred from an Employment Tribunal.
Governments claim
that a remissions policy will ensure claimants on low incomes will be able
access to justice are misplaced and do not bear scrutiny. Many workers will not
want to give detailed financial information about their household to their
trade union or anybody else in order to claim remission. Also in reality many
will have to initially pay the fees in order to access the tribunal because
there will not be time to complete the remission procedures before the tribunal
claim has to be submitted. Research commissioned by the TUC also suggests that
a significant proportion of claimants who are paid at NMW and living wage rates
will still be required to pay fees. Even the governments own figure suggest
that 36% people who are part of households where the national minimum wage is
paid will not be entitled to remission.
The government’s initial equality impact assessment
does not deny that this is likely to have an impact on disadvantage groups but
argues that it is a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim, i.e.
saving money and that the remissions system will protect access to justice for
those on low means and argument that the TUC rejects.
For Black workers, the effect of
the introduction of fees along with the government’s recent decision to
lengthen the qualifying period before unfair dismissal can be claimed will make
the prospect of dealing with racial discrimination in the workplace through
claims to an Employment Tribunal even more difficult. Currently 18.7% of black
workers miss out unfair dismissal rights because they have less than 12 months
service. This will rise to 32% of all Black workers have less than 2 years
service with their current employer compared to 25% white from 6 April 2012
when the Government lengthens the qualifying period for making a claim of
unfair dismissal to the employment tribunal from one to two years.
The introduction of market
mechanisms to regulate the ability of workers to access justice is after all no
surprise when considering that governments attitude to the unemployed is that
they are feckless and lazy and who believe that the low paid should be grateful
for having a job. Black workers should not be surprised by the fact that the
government are in effect erecting barriers to protect employers and that they
are not concerned by the disproportionate impact that this will have on dealing
with race discrimination in the workplace. Eric Pickles recently published race
equality strategy quaintly entitled “Creating
the Conditions for Integration” spoke volumes about the Government’s view
of black communities when it omitted tackling discrimination as one of the five
key factors on which their integration strategy is based.
These changes are part of a
concerted attack on the individual and collective rights of workers. They are a
clear indication that black workers cannot look to government or rely on the law
to deal with the problems they face. More than ever black workers need to
collectively organise within the trade union movement to deal with the systemic
discrimination meted out by employers as the price for justice and equality
through the courts is becoming out of reach.